Search Results

In order to take stock of this unique experience in Colombian history, this paper conducts an analysis of the actual degree of inclusivity in all four phases of the process: the preparation, negotiation, and the final modification and implementation of the new Constitution of 1991. This paper is part of the research project ‘Avoiding Conflict Relapse through Inclusive Political Settlements and State-building after Intra-State War’, and is one out of four papers written on the case of Colombia.

• Year 2015
• Author(s) David Rampf, Diana Chavarro

More than two decades after the demobilisation of these groups and in the light of the limited electoral success of the ADM-19 political project (which emerged out of the guerrilla M-19, with the participation of the other three demobilised guerrilla groups and other minor political movements), this paper examines how the unsatisfied attempt to establish a real political opposition and change political culture was perceived from the point of view of the demobilised guerrilla groups. It reviews the expectations of former members from the EPL, M-19, MAQL and PRT, and contrasts these with their individual experiences in Colombian politics.

• Year 2014
• Author(s) David Rampf, Diana Chavarro

All instances of violence are to some extent caused by some form of political, cultural, economic or social exclusion. Consequently, demands for inclusivity lie at the heart of most peace negotiations between guerrilla groups and governments. Two cases in point are the peace talks engaged by the M-19 at the end of the 1980s and the ongoing negotiations between the FARC-EP and the government in Havana. How did these two processes address the need for inclusivity, both in the set up and in the content of the peace talks? What additional parallels can one draw between these two negotiation processes? Can lessons learned from the M-19 peace negotiations help to better understand the dynamics of the current peace talks? This report addresses these questions from the perspective of two ex-commanders of the M-19, Otty Patiño and Vera Grabe.

• Year 2015
• Author(s) Otty Patiño Hormaza, Vera Grabe Loewenherz

This paper seeks to draw lessons from one of the untold stories about the Colombian armed conflict by analysing both the roots, the ideological foundations and the characteristics of the PRT, as well as its process of negotiation and transformation into a legal political actor. These lessons may be of high value in light of the ongoing peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP.

• Year 2015
• Author(s) David Rampf

This paper examines how exclusions, in regards to enfranchisement and land ownership that were essential components of the political settlement following the second Boer war, led directly to the armed resistance of the 1960s. The mutually damaging stalemate between the power contenders and the white government of the day triggered a period of preliminary talks and formal negotiations which resulted in a political settlement, finally codified in 1996. It examines the primary actors – the African National Congress and the National Party, but notes that these parties or movements also had allies and contrary groups. This settlement has lasted at least 18 years, or 20 years, if the interim arrangements which resulted in a democratic election are identified as the turning point. There are no obvious reasons to suggest a re-emergence of politically motivated conflict, however, warning signs suggest that the political settlement is fraying.

• Year 2015
• Author(s) Paul Graham

This paper reviews the commitment of the remaining power contenders and other political actors to the settlement which was reached between 1993 and 1996. Based on interviews with three key actors now in opposing political parties represented in the National Assembly, the paper makes the case for a continued commitment to, and consensus on, the ideals and principles of the 1996 Constitution. It provides evidence of schisms in the dominant power contender (the African National Congress) which have not led to a return in political violence post-settlement. The paper makes the point that, while some of this was the result of President Nelson Mandela’s presence, more must be ascribed to the constitutional arrangements and commitments of the primary political actors and the citizens of South Africa.

• Year 2014
• Author(s) Paul Graham

This paper provides a behind-the-scenes perspective on the role played by the three branches of intelligence services that resorted under the then apartheid government, during the negotiation process that led to South Africa’s transition to a democratic state. It provides a comparative insight into how, while some people employed in the Military Intelligence and the Security Branch continued to undermine efforts towards a negotiated settlement and political reform, the National Intelligence Service (NIS) worked within a strategic vision that grasped the imperative for change and was able to guide its political principals accordingly.

• Year 2014
• Author(s) Nel Marais, Jo Davies

This paper provides insight into the role played by a part of the private sector which came to constitute a fairly unique elite in supporting the negotiation of a new political settlement in post-apartheid South Africa. To support this process, and to help engineer a political settlement that supported state-building in the interests of a peaceful political and smooth economic transformation, business steadily became both a conduit and part of negotiations, the political settlement that ensued, and the state-building efforts that followed the first democratic elections in 1994 and continue to this day. In the process, its role and position has evolved and a myriad of positive contributions have been made en route. However, persistent socio-economic deficits belie the full-bodied success of the transformation that both enabled the inclusivity of the process itself and promised prosperity and development as tangible outputs.

• Year 2015
• Author(s) Nel Marais, Jo Davies

This paper analyses the ways in which the peace process, which put an end to the armed conflict in Nepal in 2006, has sought to address popular demands for inclusive democracy. It does so by reviewing the various cycles of negotiation, codification and materialisation of political reforms since the People’s Movement of 2006, the Comprehensive Peace Accord and the (first and second) Constituent Assemblies. It focuses in particular on one area of reform that has been widely debated among political and civil society sectors, namely, state restructuring through power decentralisation. Overall, the paper develops the arguments that although there is a widespread consensus that state institutions should be made more inclusive and representative of the makeup of society, the voices of power contenders, such as the Madhesi and Janajati communities, have failed to be adequately represented in constitutional debates.

• Year 2015
• Author(s) Padma Prasad Khatiwada

This paper highlights both the historical and the present condition of power contending forces, with a particular focus on marginalised societal groups and their mobilisation (or instrumentalisation) through the Maoist Insurgency. In addition, this paper seeks to portray the inclusive measures adopted since 2006 to make the State move representative of, and responsive to, the makeup of society. The study relies on secondary information as well as data collected through key informant interviews in three regions of Nepal.

• Year 2015
• Author(s) Balkrishna Mabuhang